"Four Freedoms"
by Franklin D. Roosevelt
Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th
Congress :
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented
in the history of the union. I use the word "unprecedented" because
at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened
from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789,
most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic
affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these --the four-year war between
the States --ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000
Americans in forty-eight States have forgotten points of the compass in
our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by
events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European
nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean
and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the
Principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case has a serious threat been
raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation
has at all times maintained opposition --clear, definite opposition-- to any
attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of
civilization went past.
Today, thinking of our children
and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation
for ourselves or for any other part of the
Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for
example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the
French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of
the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in
Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to
peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain
nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 --ninety-nine years --no single war
in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against
the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish
itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the
Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1941 it seemed to contain only small
threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we
remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic
nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need
not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction.
We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the
kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being
carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every
continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against
that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this
moment being directly assailed in every part of the world --assailed either
by arms or by secret spreading of poisionous propaganda by those who seek
to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of
democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.
And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great
and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give
to the Congress information of the state of the union," I find it unhappily
necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our
democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four
continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources
of Europe and Asia, Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors.
And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents,
the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the
sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western
Hemisphere --yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature-- and, incidentally, untrue-- for anybody
to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied
behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity,
or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression,
or freedom of religion-- or even good business. Such a peace would bring
no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential
liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor
safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we
cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with
sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. We
must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip
the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I
have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could
bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually
expect if the dictator nation win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion
from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its
power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is
not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing
troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until
it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-- particularly
the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery
and surprise built up over a series of years.
The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing
of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by
secret agents and by their dupes-- and great numbers of them are already
here and in Latin America.
As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will
choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious
danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our
history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government
and every member of the Congress face great responsibility-- great accountability.
The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted
primarily-- almost exclusively-- to meeting this foreign peril. For all
our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our
national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect
for the rights and the dignity of all of our fellow men within our gates,
so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect
for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the
justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this :
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people
everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away
from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that
the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the
security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality
and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce
in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that
enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between
the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought
out on the line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly
evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy
and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament
production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons.
Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached
ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are
slight but not serious delays. And in some cases-- and, I am sorry to say,
very important cases-- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment
of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past
year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production
with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the
program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. They
are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied
until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective
is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations : We are behind
schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night
to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even
further ahead of that schedule. To change a whole nation from a basis of
peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production
of implements of war is no small task. The greatest difficulty comes at
the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new
assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual
material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the
progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the
Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our
own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs
be kept in confidence. New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs
for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations
and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture
additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over
to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our
most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well
as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions
of dollars' worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash.
We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because
of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for
these weapons-- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make
it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the
United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all
of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is
best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept
here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined
and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own
defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time
following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at
our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which
we need. Let us say to the democracies : "We Americans are vitally
concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies,
our resources and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain
and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers,
ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of
dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as
an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.
Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim
it so to be.
And when the dictators --if the dictators-- are ready to make war upon us,
they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act
of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law which
lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of
oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend
on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can
tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called
upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life
is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the
emergency --almost as serious as war itself-- demands. Whatever stands
in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations
at any time, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free
nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of
agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups
but within their own groups.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst
is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use
the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those
who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must
have the stamina and the courage which come from unashakeable belief in
the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we
are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth
fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which
have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the
preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the
fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion
to the institutions we make ready to protect. Certainly this is no time for
any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are
the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in
the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy
and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems
are simple. They are :
